There are two groups of people in Nova Scotia, Mainlanders and Cape Bretoners. The us-and-them attitude is not unfounded; the groups can be distinguished as haves and have-nots. Unlike Mainlanders, Cape Bretoners have endured sub-par treatment from their provincial government since Cape Breton Island was illegally annexed over two hundred years ago. Separation from Nova Scotia and recognition as a self-governing state have been common desires among Cape Bretoners since the annexation; however, separation has not been considered by any ruling government. Today, Cape Breton is a deeply impoverished region with a failing economy, exceptionally high rates of child poverty and unemployment, and the highest property taxes in the province. The situation in Cape Breton contrasts conditions in the Halifax Regional Municipality, Nova Scotia’s economically thriving capital. Reviewing the historical basis for a legal separation from the province, the expert opinions of advocates for Cape Breton’s autonomy, and the bleak data will highlight the need for Cape Breton to be a self-governing state. Since colonization, Cape Breton’s residents have been exploited by their government. In 1763, the island was a colony of France known as Ile Royale, and its residents were forced to pay taxes and serve in the militia but could not own land. Legal scholar Christopher MacNeill refers to the situation as “‘taxation without representation’”¹ The French ceded the island to the British, who illegally annexed the Colony of Cape Breton Island to the Colony of Nova Scotia in 1820.¹ Cape Breton’s residents were unimpressed by this. By 1845, there was significant support for Cape Breton’s separation; unfortunately, the British thwarted this discussion by threatening the residents with military intervention.¹ The rusty chain tethering Cape Breton to Nova Scotia was created by colonial subterfuge and remains intact today. A silver lining to this scandalous history is that Nova Scotia’s annexation of Cape Breton violates Canada’s Constitution Act of 1867, the 1982 Canadian Bill of Rights, the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, and the International Bill of Rights.¹ Thus, Cape Breton Island has a legal right to governmental autonomy. Aside from its unconstitutional annexation, the ongoing violations of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms against Cape Bretoners offer a compelling case for independence. Although much of the basis for separation stems from bureaucratic wrongdoings in the early nineteenth century, governmental failures regarding rights and freedoms continue today. Such failure is made evident by reviewing data regarding Cape Breton’s outmigration. MacNeill explains that Cape Breton loses residents to outmigration “at a rate of 1000 people per year for the past 40 years representing a decline in population of 23% while other regions of North America grew exponentially during the same period.”¹ Government investment could suppress outmigration by developing the long-neglected region; instead, a disproportionate amount of funds received by Nova Scotia from Ottawa are invested in the Halifax Regional Municipality. To illustrate this, services like schools are downsized in Cape Breton as politicians debate building a football stadium in Halifax.¹ A consistent history, and ongoing practice, of “capital investment prejudice”¹ shows that Nova Scotia is content with Cape Breton’s destitution. Cape Breton’s most resonant endorsement for independence comes from Canada’s first Mi’kmaq Senator, Cape Breton native Daniel Christmas. Christmas made headlines in 2019 by proposing Cape Breton’s separation. In doing so, Christmas contrasts the economic polarization of Cape Breton and the Halifax Regional Municipality. He notes that Halifax was rated among the top ten North American cities to do business in, and in 2016 was considered one of the fastest-growing metropolitan economies in Canada.² Meanwhile, Cape Breton’s economy “bears absolutely no semblance to anything remotely relating to good news.”² The senator also compares Cape Breton to Canada’s smallest province, Prince Edward Island (PEI), which has a slightly larger population and approximately half of Cape Breton Island’s landmass.² Yet, the economic situation in PEI is far better. PEI receives more than twice as much money from The Atlantic Canada Opportunities Agency than Cape Breton, plus tens of millions more in provincial investment revenues.² The difference in investment explains why PEI’s economy and population are growing while projections indicate outmigration in Cape Breton will continue for decades. According to Senator Christmas, Cape Breton’s only way to avoid economic collapse is separation. Statistics support experts’ dismal claims about Cape Breton’s economic crisis. In the 2023 Report Card on Child and Family Poverty in the Province of Nova Scotia, Cape Breton had the highest rates of any region at 27.6%.³ Sydney, the island’s only city, had the highest child poverty rate of any electoral district in the province at 29.1%.³ Cape Breton also has the highest unemployment rate in the province.⁴ Another data set, supporting the notion that Cape Breton’s residents are mistreated by their government, reveals that property taxes in Cape Breton are the highest in the province. In some cases, Cape Bretoners pay more than twice as much for property taxes as mainland Nova Scotians.⁵ The figures are daunting. Cape Breton has the highest child poverty and unemployment rates in the province and its residents pay the highest property taxes. Separation may be complicated, but there is a plausible means by which Cape Breton can achieve self-governance. Christopher MacNeill, the law professor who provided a legal framework for Cape Breton’s separation, and Senator Christmas, agree that separation is necessary for the island’s survival. MacNeill compares Cape Breton’s relationship with Nova Scotia as a battered spouse who is “abused, used and mocked,”¹ the Senator described Cape Breton as “slowly bleeding to death”²; unfortunately, these sentiments are not exaggerated. Although both experts elaborate on different modes of severing from the province, MacNeill proposes a proven solution using the example of Nunavik. Nunavik signed a deal with the Federal and Quebec governments and now operates as a self-governing state within Quebec. Cape Breton could adopt this pathway to autonomy and function as a province within a province by enacting a separate government in Cape Breton, cutting ties from the existing centralized government. Following Nunavik’s path would give Cape Breton a feasible means of becoming autonomous. The economy of Cape Breton is being killed by an incompetent government that desperately needs replacement. MacNeill referred to Nova Scotia as being an abusive partner to Cape Breton; building on his observation, one could also think of Nova Scotia as an abusive father who refuses to let Cape Breton’s children succeed. Aside from the island’s discouragingly bleak employment availability, especially regarding gainful employment, practically every municipal service in Cape Breton is lacking, too. To elaborate, Cape Breton’s roads are riddled with potholes, and transit buses only travel between primary commuter routes, following irregular daily schedules. While poorly maintained highways and transportation services are inconvenient, the greater upset is that all of Cape Breton’s elementary schools lost their libraries to budget cuts; local hospitals frequently close due to doctor shortages; and, most surgeries and pediatric services require a five-hour drive to Halifax. A personal favorite example of Nova Scotia’s lackluster investment in Cape Breton is, that several years ago, I observed the municipal street sweeping machine in downtown Sydney, which consisted of two men sweating over corn brooms and trailing a pickup truck. Undoubtedly, most Cape Bretoners would agree that sweeping road dirt for the municipality is a good job; unfortunately, this is the mentality of oppressed people accustomed to living with exceptionally high unemployment and child poverty rates. Thankfully, there is a solution to this depression: Cape Breton can divorce Nova Scotia and allow her children to thrive. [1] MacNeill, Christopher Mark. “Canada’s Post-Colonial Orphan Province: Cape Breton Island’s Quest for Autonomy.” International Journal of Law Management & Humanities, vol. 4 Issue 6, Jan. 2021. [2] Christmas, Daniel. “Three paths to prosperity for Cape Breton: Senator Christmas.” Senate of Canada. October 23, 2019. https://sencanada.ca/en/sencaplus/opinion/three-paths-to-prosperity-for-cape-breton-senator-christmas/ [3] Frank, Lesley and Saulnier, Christine. “2023 report card on child and family poverty in the province of Nova Scotia” Canadian Center for Policy Initiatives. January 2024. https://campaign2000.ca/wp-content/uploads/2024/02/Nova-Scotia-2023NSreport-card-Final-for-Web.pdf [4] “Nova Scotia, April 2024 — Job market snapshot.” Government of Canada, Accessed 21 July, 2024. https://www.jobbank.gc.ca/trend-analysis/job-market-reports/ns/job-market-snapshot [5] “Municipal Property Tax Rates: Average Property Tax Rate by Area Type — Residential” Government of Nova Scotia. Accessed 21 July, 2024. https://data.novascotia.ca/Municipalities/Municipal-Property-Tax-Rates-Average-Property-Tax-/s862-ad8j https://medium.com/@joecouturem/an-argument-for-the-self-governance-of-cape-breton-island-1c379d957695